Margaret Cheyz Smit

Margaret Cheyz Smit


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Margaret Cheys Smit Meyn shtatidan AQSh Senatining respublikachi a'zosi bo'lib ishlagan.


Margaret Cheyz Smit - Tarix

Margaret Cheys Smit Kongressning ikkala palatasiga saylangan birinchi ayol edi. U bu lavozimga tayinlanmasdan Senatga kirgan birinchi ayol edi. Ikkinchi jahon urushi paytida, u urush paytida dengiz floti kemasida dengizga chiqqan yagona fuqaro ayol edi. U, shuningdek, partiyaning yirik qurultoyida o'z nomini prezidentlikka ko'rsatgan birinchi ayol edi. Faqat o'rta ma'lumotli, u Kongressning respublikachi a'zosi bo'lgan eri vafotidan keyin siyosatga kirdi. U Vakillar palatasida to'rt, Senatda esa to'rt muddat ishlagan.

"Senatning vijdoni" deb nomlanuvchi Smit, Kongressda senator Jozef Makkarti Viskonsin shtatidan boshlangan jodugarlarga qarshi ovni qoralagan birinchi odam bo'lganida, jasorat va mustaqillik bilan mashhur bo'ldi. 1950 yil 1-iyunda, Senatga kirganidan deyarli bir yil o'tib, 15 daqiqalik nutqida u Makkartini kommunistlar va hukumatdagi "sayohatchilar" haqidagi beparvo ayblovlari bilan obro'sini yo'qotganini qoraladi. U anti-kommunistik salibchi haqida hech qachon nomini aytmagan, lekin hech kim u haqida gapirganiga shubha qilmagan. U Senatga "Kongress immuniteti qalqoni ortida" xarakterli suiqasdni "to'xtatish vaqti kelganini aytdi.

Keyin Smit olti respublikachi imzolagan "Vijdon deklaratsiyasi" ni o'qidi. "Millat respublikachilar g'alabasiga juda muhtoj", dedi u, "lekin men Respublikachilar partiyasining to'rtta yolg'onchi [noto'g'ri ma'lumot]-qo'rquv, jaholat, aqidaparastlik va tuhmatda siyosiy g'alabaga erishganini ko'rishni xohlamayman".

Makkarti o'zining siyosiy karerasini yo'q qilish bilan tahdid qildi. Ammo u shunchalik hurmatga sazovor ediki, saylovchilar uni osongina Senatga qayta saylashdi. Ko'pchilik uni 1952 yilda prezidentlikka nomzod bo'lishini taxmin qilishdi. Agar u Oq Uyda uyg'onsa nima qilish kerakligi haqidagi savolga u shunday javob berdi: "Men to'g'ridan -to'g'ri Truman xonimga borib kechirim so'ragan bo'lardim. Keyin uyga ketardim".


Qanday qilib Margaret Cheyz Smit Jozef Makkartiga qarshi chiqdi va g'alaba qozondi

Ted Vidmer - Saundersning Braun universitetida jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar bo'yicha ilmiy xodimi va Karnegi xalqaro masalalar bo'yicha etika kengashining katta xodimi. U, shuningdek, Massachusets tarixiy jamiyatining ishonchli vakili.

2016 yilgi standartlarga ko'ra, bu unchalik yaxshi emas edi - juda ko'p bo'g'in. 1950 yilda respublikachi senator, Meynlik Margaret Cheyz Smit Jozef Makkartiga qarshi chiqqanida, u "uydirma to'rt otliq - qo'rquv, jaholat, aqidaparastlik va tuhmat" ga uyalib ishongani uchun unga hujum qilib, sensatsiyaga sabab bo'ldi. Smitning Nyu -Angliya shimoli havosining portlashi o'ta xavfli bo'lgan mamlakatni sovutdi va oxir -oqibat Makkartining o'limiga olib keldi.

Oltmish olti yil o'tgach, bizning siyosatimizda o'sha zaharli moddalarning ko'pi qayta paydo bo'ldi. Etnik haqoratlar muntazam ravishda yuzaga chiqadi, bu meksikaliklarga Donald Tramp, musulmonlarga Ben Karson yoki "Nyu -York qadriyatlari" da Ted Kruz. Ovoz balandligi, bema'nilik va hiyla -nayrang munozaralarda g'alaba qozonishning o'lchovi bo'lib tuyuladi.

1950 yilda Margaret Cheyz Smit bu kuchli kuchlarga qarshi jangovar jangchi edi. Amerikaliklar uydagi moliyaviy qiyinchiliklar va chet eldagi tushkun hodisalardan, masalan, Xitoyning yo'qolishi va Rossiyaning atom qurolini yaratishda muvaffaqiyatidan qo'rqishdi. Trumanning beg'ubor ma'muriyatidan umumiy umidsizlik yangi respublikachilar imkoniyatidan mohirlik bilan foydalangan yangi opportunizm siyosatiga eshikni ochdi - va Viskonsinning kichik senatoridan boshqa hech qanday imkoniyat yo'q edi. Sobiq demokrat Jozef Makkarti o'z mansubligini o'zgartirdi va 1946 yil respublikachilar ko'chkisida saylandi, o'sha yili ko'plab qaytgan faxriylar birinchi marta o'z lavozimlarini qidirishdi, jumladan Richard Nikson va Jon F. Kennedi.

1950 yilga kelib, Makkarti shov -shuvli nutqi tufayli, Davlat Departamentida ko'plab buzg'unchi xodimlarning ismlarini bilishini da'vo qilib, yon tomonda turuvchi milliy shaxs edi. Aniq raqam - ba'zida 57 yoki 81 yoki 205 - muhim emasdek tuyuldi. OAV uni sekinlashtirish uchun dastlab kam harakat qilgan. Darhaqiqat, milliy sharhlovchilar Makkartini ommabop qilib qo'ygan qo'rquvni engishda va ularning sindikatlarini daromad olishda muhim rol o'ynagan. Bir necha yillar mobaynida Makkartining qo'rqitish taktikasi butun bir sohani yaratdi, bu nima uchun Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari butun dunyodagi soyali kuchlarga qarshi o'z o'rnini yo'qotayotganini tushuntirishga yordam berdi. Makkartining ko'plab siyosiy sovg'alari bor edi, shu jumladan kuchli oratorik ishtirokida, u raqiblarini yengib o'tishda juda zukkolik bilan ochdi. Senatda hech kim uni olishga jur'at etmadi.

Hech kim, ya'ni Margaret Cheyz Smitdan boshqa. U Senatning eng qisqa a'zosi va uning yagona ayoli edi, lekin 1950 yil 1 iyunda u o'rnidan turdi. Uning ko'p sabablari bor edi. Smit Makkartidan ko'ra kichikroq senator edi, u 1948 yilda marhum erining o'rindig'ini to'ldirish uchun tayinlanganidan keyin boshlangan uydagi karerasidan keyin saylangan. U Makkarti bilan qo'mitalarda ishlagan va respublikachilarning sodiq tarafdori bo'lgan, o'z partiyasida kuchli senatorni qabul qilishga ikkilanmagan. Bu siyosiy jihatdan ham qiyin qadam edi, chunki Makkarti butun Angliyada mashhur edi. .


Meyn tarixi onlayn

1964 yilga kelib, Meyn shtatidan respublikachi senator Margaret Cheyz Smitning milliy izdoshlari bor edi.

U birinchi marta 1940 yilda Vakillar palatasiga saylangan, eri Rep Klayd X.Smit vafotidan keyin. 1948 yilda u AQSh Senatiga saylandi, birinchi ayol o'z huquqi bilan tanlandi (bu lavozimni egallagan turmush o'rtog'i vafotidan keyin emas).

U 1950 yilda respublikachi senator Jozef Makkartining kommunistik ovchilik taktikasini qoralagan "Vijdon deklaratsiyasi" ma'ruzasi bilan mashhur edi.

U, shuningdek, AQSh Senatida, Qurolli Kuchlar va Mablag'lar qo'mitasining a'zosi sifatida, ba'zida yolg'iz yoki ikkitadan biri bo'lgan ayol sifatida tanilgan.

U prezident Jon Kennedi mudofaa siyosatiga e'tiroz bildirgan va o'z izohlari uchun katta shuhrat qozongan.

Margaret Cheyz Smit prezidentlik kampaniyasi shlyapasi, 1964 yil

Respublikachilar partiyasidan prezidentlikka nomzod 1964 yilda keng ochilgan edi. 1960 yilda qatnashgan Richard Nikson qatnashmaslikni tanladi.

Partiya konservatorlar va mo''tadillar o'rtasida bo'lindi va Smit Senatda katta tajribaga ega bo'lgan mo''tadil ovoz edi.

Respublikachilar tashkiloti Smitni nomzod bo'lishga undamadi, lekin u oddiy odamlardan nomzod bo'lishni so'ragan minglab xatlar olganini aytdi.

U "ringga otish" uchun ko'plab bosh kiyimlarni ham olgan.

Margaret Cheyz Smit kampaniya shlyapasi, 1964 yil

Boshqa respublikachilar, nomzodni Viskonsin shtatidan Jon V. Birnes, Gavayidan Xiram Fong, Arizonadan Barri M. Golduoter, Minnesota shtatidan Valter X. Judd, Ogayodan Jeyms A. Rods, Nyu -Yorkdan Nelson A. Rokfeller, Uilyam V Pensilvaniya shtatidan Skranton, Merilend shtatidan Jon V. Stefi va Pensilvaniyadan Xarold E. Stassen.

Massachusets shtatidan Genri Kabot Lodj va Nikson ba'zi bir boshlang'ich saylovlarda qatnashish uchun nomzod bo'lganlar.

Nomzodlar kam emas edi va Margaret Cheyz Smit o'z tarafdorlariga unga ishonch bildirganliklari uchun minnatdorchilik izhor etdi, lekin "bunday bo'lishi mumkin emasligini" ta'kidladi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, "Ringdagi shlyapa", 1964 yil

Biroq, 1964 yil yanvar oyida u bir tarafdoriga bu masalani ko'rib chiqib, qatnashish -qilmaslikka qaror qilishini aytdi.

Ommaviy axborot vositalarida bu javob e'lon qilinganda, Smitning aytishicha, u 50 ta shtatdan xat olgan va odamlar uning nomzodini unga qaraganda jiddiyroq qabul qilishayotganini tushungan.

U dekabr oyida e'lon qilishni rejalashtirgan edi, lekin 1963 yil noyabrda prezident Jon Kennedi o'ldirilganidan keyin uni keyinga qoldirdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit kuni, Skowhegan, 1964 yil

1964 yil 27 yanvarda Ayollar milliy press -klubida qilgan nutqida Smit odamlarning unga qatnashish uchun taklif qilgan sabablarini sanab o'tdi.

U boshqa nomzodlarga qaraganda ko'proq milliy tajribaga ega bo'lishi, ayollarning prezidentlikka jiddiy qaralayotgan to'sig'ini buzishi va saylovchilarga mo''tadil nomzod tanlashini o'z ichiga olgan.

Qo'llab -quvvatlovchilarning yana bir sababi shundaki, u ko'p pulga ega emas, siyosiy mashinaning bir qismi emas va shuning uchun u siyosiy jihatdan mustaqilroq bo'ladi.

Prezidentlik kampaniyasini e'lon qilish nutqi, Vashington, 1964

U nima uchun qatnashmasligini aytib, oltita sababni sanab o'tdi.

Ba'zilar, ayollar prezident bo'lmasligi kerak deb bahslashdilar. Boshqa sabablar uning g'alaba qozonishi ehtimoldan yiroq emasligi, yugurish uchun jismoniy chidamliligi, kampaniyani o'tkazish uchun moliyaviy resurslari va siyosiy tashkiloti yo'qligi edi.

Uning ta'kidlashicha, qatnashishga qarshi oxirgi dalil u Senat ovozlarini o'tkazib yuborishi va shu tariqa ketma -ket 1,590 ovozli rekordini tugatishi kerak edi.

"Ha, men juftlikni sinab ko'raman" multfilmi, 1964 yil

Smit yugurishini e'lon qilganidan bir kun o'tib Bangor Daily News siyosiy karikaturani choptirib, uning yugurish poyabzali terayotganini ko'rsatdi.

Kichkina press mushuk "Margaretning so'zi" dahshatli "deb yozmoqda. multfilmning chap tomonida.

Smit odamlarni "jiddiy" nomzod ekanligiga ishontirgan bo'lsa-da, u an'anaviy bo'lmagan kampaniyani o'tkazishga va'da berdi.

Nyu -Xempshirda Margaret Cheyz Smit kampaniyalari, 1964

O'zining e'lon qilgan nutqida Smit kampaniya uchun mablag 'yig'masligini ham, qabul qilmasligini, balki o'z pulini shaxsiy va sayohat xarajatlariga sarflashini aytdi.

U hech qanday haq to'lamaydigan kampaniya ishchilarini va radio yoki televidenie reklamasini olishni rejalashtirmagan.

Bundan tashqari, u Senat qonun loyihalari bo'yicha ovoz berishda bo'lmaganida, faqat saylov kampaniyasini o'tkazishga va'da berdi.

Shuning uchun, Margaret Cheyz Smit juda kam kampaniya o'tkazdi va faqat ikkita shtatda: Nyu -Xempshir va Illinoysda.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, 45 -parallel, 1964 yil

Smit Nyu -Xempshir shtatidagi kampaniyasini 10 -fevralda Kanada chegarasi yaqinidagi Nyu -Xempshir shtatining Pitsburg shahrida boshladi.

Harorat 30 darajadan past edi.

Bir guruh muxbirlar Smitga kampaniyaning birinchi sovuq kunida qo'shilishdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, Nyuberining savdo do'koni, Nyu -Xempshir, 1964 yil

Smitning shiori shundan iborat edi: "Qo'l berib ko'rishish va kichik suhbatdan ko'ra samaraliroq narsa yo'q".

U saylovoldi tashviqotining shaxsiy uslubiga ishongan, uyushtirilgan mitinglar va qabullardan qochgan.

Nyu -Xempshirda u sartaroshxonalar, gazeta idoralari, ovqatlanish joylari, quruq mahsulotlar do'koni va pochta bo'limlariga tashrif buyurib, uchrashganlarning hammasi bilan qo'l siltab, 1000 kilometrdan oshiq masofani bosib o'tdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, Manchester, Nyu -Xempshir, 1964 yil

Kampaniya paytida va ish vaqtida, Smit ishchi ayol va oddiy odam sifatida o'z ildizlarini ta'kidlashni yaxshi ko'rardi.

Bir paytlar telefon operatori bo'lganidan so'ng, u Nyu -Xempshir shtatining Manchester shahridagi New England Telephone & Telegraph ofisiga tashrif buyurdi.

Chapdan Xelen Makkenzi, senator Smit, Filis Burkish va Nataniel Orr.

U tez -tez gazetada ishlagan paytlari haqida gapirardi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, Jorj D. Aiken, 1964 yil

1964 yil 10 martda, saylovoldi tashviqotini boshlaganidan bir oy o'tgach, Smit Vashingtondagi Vermont shtatidan senator Jorj D. Ayken bilan Nyu -Xempshir boshlang'ich maktabidan qaytishni kutdi.

U Genri Kabot Lodj, Barri Golduoter, Nelson Rokfeller va Richard Niksondan keyin beshinchi o'rinni egalladi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, Chikago, 1964 yil

Smitning keyingi va oxirgi kampaniyasi - Illinoys shtati. U arizani topshirish muddati va talablarini bir necha daqiqalar ichida bajardi.

Illinoys shtatidagi yosh respublikachilar, Smitni asosiy saylovda qatnashish uchun imzo to'plashdi va partiyaning birinchi pog'onasi Barri Golduoterga qarshi chiqishdi.

Nyu -Xempshir shtatida bo'lgani kabi, u shaxsiy aloqaga e'tibor qaratdi, duch kelgan odamlar bilan qo'l berib, Senatdagi rekordlari haqida gapirdi.

Bu erda, Meyn shtatining asoschisi, Piter M. Sangillo, Buyuk ko'llar Dengiz O'quv Stantsiyasida joylashgan, senator Smitni Chikagodagi O'Hare aeroportiga kelganida, uning kampaniyasi boshlanishi bilan kutib oladi.

Prezident qo'mitasi uchun Margaret Cheyz Smit, Illinoys, 1964 yil

Ayollar senator Margaret Cheys Smitning prezidentlikka nomzodini qo'llab -quvvatlash uchun Illinoys shtatining LaGranj shahrida yig'ilishdi.

Ular press -relizlar yozishdi, plakatlar chizishdi va Smitni himoya qiladigan ommaviy xabarlarni yuborishdi.

Ketrin Uinslou, Vi Douson (kafedra), Rut Dobler va xonim Kennet Soderstrom o'tirishgan.

Rut Bakter, Jon Zvalli xonim, Uilyam J. Bauer xonim, Meri Imri va noma'lum ayol turishadi.

Kampaniya mashinasi, Illinoys, 1964 yil

Ayollar guruhi va Yosh respublikachilar Illinoys shtatida Smit nomidan tinimsiz ishladilar

Ularni qo'llab -quvvatlashi juda muhim edi, chunki Smit ikki dam olish kunlari Illinoys shtatida, ham Chikagoda kampaniya o'tkazdi va 85 dollar sarfladi. Shunga qaramay, u taxminan 26 foiz ovoz oldi - chorak million ovoz.

Bu erda senator Smit, Illinoys shtatining Uiton shahrida o'rta maktab o'quvchisi Linda Miller bilan qo'l berib ko'rishdi.

Mainers, San -Frantsisko aeroporti, 1964 yil

Boshqa joylarda kampaniya o'tkazmaganiga qaramay, Smit Massachusets, Texas va Oregon shtatlarida ovoz oldi.

U Kaliforniya, Kolumbiya okrugi, Florida, Indiana, Merilend, Nebraska, Nyu -Jersi, Ogayo, Pensilvaniya yoki Janubiy Dakota shtatidagi respublikachilarning boshlang'ich partiyasida hech qanday ovoz olmagan - va Barri Golduoter nomzodni yig'ib olganga o'xshardi.

Taxminan 16 delegat unga ovoz berishini kutgan holda, Smit va uning tarafdorlari avgust oyida San -Frantsiskoga respublikachilar qurultoyiga borishdi.

Smitning San -Frantsisko aeroportiga kelishini kutish, chap tomondan, Vatervilllik Portlend Press Xerald Bred Xutchens, Xultonlik Xelen Mitchell va Perxemlik Uayld MakIntirir muxbiri Don Xansen.

Margaret Cheyz Smit Respublikachilar Milliy Kongressida, 1964

Margaret Cheyz Smit San -Frantsiskodagi Sigirlar saroyiga Milliy respublikachilar qurultoyiga keldi va o'z nomini nomzod qilib ko'rsatishga va "oxirgi ovoz berilgunga qadar" tanlovda qolishga tayyorlandi.

Uning nomzodlik poygasi, asosan, ramziy bo'lsa -da, Smitning markaziy e'tiqodi Respublikachilar partiyasi uchun muhim edi, u Barri Golduoterning konservativ qarashlari va Nelson Rokfellerning liberal g'oyalari o'rtasida qattiq bo'linib ketdi.

Mehmon belgisi, 1964 yil respublikachilar milliy konventsiyasi

Margaret Cheyz Smitning 1964 yilgi San -Frantsiskodagi respublikachilar milliy qurultoyiga qabul qilish uchun mehmon nishoni.

Unda "Margaret Cheyz Smit faxriy mehmon-1964 yildagi Konventsiya-San-Fransisko" yozilgan.

Smit va uning tarafdorlari 15 iyul kuni nomzodlarni ko'rsatish jarayoni va nomzodni tanlashni kutishdi.

San -Frantsisko Respublikachilar Kongressi binosi, 1964 yil

Nomzodni tanlashga bir necha kun qolganida tortishuvlar bo'lgan. Partiyaning mo''tadillari va konservatorlari bir -biriga nisbatan nafratlarini ochiqchasiga bildirishdi.

Platformadagi munozara paytida Nelson Rokfeller baland ovozda xitob qildi. U partiyaning konservatorlarini tanqid qildi, bu galereyalarda ko'pchilik unga baqirishga va baqirishga olib keldi.

Bir guruh respublikachilar, konservativ Golduoterni to'xtatish uchun Pensilvaniya shtatidan Uilyam Skranton ortida yig'ilishga harakat qilishdi, lekin muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, San -Frantsisko, 1964 yil

Vermont shtati gubernatori Jorj D. Aiken, 75 yoshda, 25 yil Senatda bo'lgan, Margaret Cheyz Smit nomzodini ko'rsatishga rozi bo'lgan.

Bu erda, Ayken sigirlar saroyida tarafdorlarini kutib olar ekan, Smitning orqasida turibdi.

Clifford va Wilda McIntire, San -Frantsisko, 1964 yil

Meyn, Illinoys va boshqa joylardan Smit tarafdorlari uning nomidan yig'ilishdi.

Smit konventsiya davomida nominatsiyaga qo'yilgan sakkiz kishidan biri edi.

Nomzodlarni nomzod qilib ko'rsatib, Goldwater partiyaning boshini ko'tarishi aniq edi, lekin da'vogarlar yugurishda qolishdi.

Nomzodlarni ko'rsatish jarayoni etti soat davom etdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, San -Frantsisko, 1964 yil

Aiken o'zining nomzodlik nutqida shunday izoh berdi: "Men sizni qo'llab -quvvatlashingiz uchun sizga taklif qila oladigan narsam cheklangan. Bu kabinet ishi, elchining tayinlanishi yoki hatto hukumat shartnomasi emas.

"Men barchangizni qahvaxonaga taklif qila olmayman, chunki mening nomzodim har bir katta chekni, har bir kichik chekni, har 10 dollarlik, har bir dollarlik va har bir tinni to'g'ridan -to'g'ri qayerdan kelgan bo'lsa, o'sha joyga qaytarib yuborgan."

U uning halolligini, qobiliyatini, sog'lom fikrini va jasoratini ta'kidladi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, Jon Rid, San -Frantsisko, 1964 yil

Margaret Cheyz Smit, partiyaning yirik siyosiy qurultoyida nomzodini qo'ygan birinchi ayol, 27 delegatning ovozini oldi.

Boshqa nomzodlardan farqli o'laroq, u o'z delegatlarini o'z nomlarini Goldwater umumiy soniga qo'shish uchun qo'yib yubormadi. Shunday qilib, u ovoz berishda ikkinchi bo'ldi - Goldwater uchun 883, Smit uchun 26.

Bu erda u Meyn gubernatori Jon Rid, Viskonsin shtati gubernatori Patrik Lusi va Viskonsin shtati gubernatori Uorren P. Knowles bilan birga suratga tushadi.

Clifford McIntire, San -Frantsisko, 1964 yil

Noyabr oyida demokrat Lyndon Jonson Barri Golduoterni yengdi.

Margaret Cheyz Smit, erkaklar ham xuddi shu sabablarga ko'ra prezident bo'lishni xohlaganini va ayollarga prezidentlikka jiddiy qaralayotgan to'siqni engishga yordam berishni xohlaganini aytdi.

U yangi poydevorni buzganiga ishondi. Ammo uning standart siyosatda qatnashishni istamasligi uning nomzodini yo'q qilishga yordam berdi.


Margaret Cheyz Smit siyosat markazi

2008 yilda Margaret Cheyz Smit siyosat markazi 1991 yilda Amerika Ayollar va Siyosat Markazi (CAWP) tomonidan boshlangan Ayollar uchun Milliy Ta'lim (YANGI) Liderlik TM dasturining taraqqiyot sheriklari milliy tarmog'ining o'n ettinchi a'zosi bo'lish uchun tanlandi. Rutgers universitetida. Meyn jamoalarida etakchilarni to'plashga yordam berishga e'tibor qaratgan holda, Meyn universiteti kooperativ kengaytirilishi 2008 yilda YANGI Liderlikning homiysi bo'ldi va bu rolni 2011 yilgacha davom ettirdi.

Meyn YANGI Liderlik, ayollarning milliy miqyosda ham, Meynda ham qonun chiqaruvchi organlarda sezilarli darajada kam ishtirok etishi haqiqatiga javoban tashkil etilgan. Tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, agar ayollar rag'batlantirilsa va siyosiy rollarga duch kelsalar, ayollar o'z lavozimlarini egallash ehtimoli ko'proq bo'ladi va Meyn NEW Liderlik - ayollarga o'zlarining fuqarolik salohiyatini to'liq ochib berishda yordam beradigan muhim tarkibiy qismlardan biri.

Tashkil etilganidan buyon Meyn YENI Liderlik bitiruvchilari butun shaharchada ishlaydilar va munitsipal qo'mitalar uchun guruhli rahbarlik lavozimlari tanlanadi va mahalliy maktablar kengashlariga kengashlar saylanadi, universitetlarida xilma-xillik koalitsiyalari tuziladi, shuning uchun ular o'z orzularidagi ish joylarini egallaydilar. ular Meyn YANGI Liderlikda o'rgangan ko'nikmalarini, yakka tartibdagi siyosiy kampaniyalar va siyosiy partiyalar kampaniyalarida faol bo'lishgan.


Margaret Cheyz Smit 97 yoshida vafot etdi, Respublikachilar tarixida ikki marta

Margaret Cheyz Smit, mustaqil, mustaqil respublikachi, respublikachi, Kongressning ikkala palatasida saylovlarda birinchi bo'lib g'alaba qozongan va milliy anjumanda prezidentlikka nomzod bo'lgan birinchi ayol sifatida tarixga kirgan, kecha, Skowhegan shahridagi uyida vafot etdi. . U 97 yoshda edi.

Skowhegan shahridagi Margaret Cheyz Smit kutubxonasi vakilining aytishicha, u sakkiz kun oldin insultdan vafot etgan va uni komada qoldirgan.

Qizil atirgul - Smit xonim va#x27sning savdo belgisi, qat'iy vijdon, uning chirog'i. U & quot; Senat vijdoni & quot; sifatida tanilgan

1941 yildan 1949 yilgacha bo'lgan davrda, Smit xonim, keng doiradagi siyosiy doirada do'stlar orttirdi va dushmanlar orttirdi. U dushmanlari orasida kommunist ovchi Jozef R. Makkarti va Sovet Ittifoqi rahbari Nikita S. Xrushchev kabi qutbli qarama-qarshiliklarni sanab o'tishi mumkin edi. Qo'rqinchli janob Makkarti Smit xonimga istehzo bilan "Qor -oq" deb murojaat qilgan va janob Xrushyov uni "ayol niqobidagi shayton" deb ko'rgan.

Smit xonimning aytishicha, uning siyosatdagi hayoti uning yagona hayoti. & quot; Mening oilam yo'q, vaqt sarflaydigan sevimli mashg'ulotlarim yo'q & quot; dedi u Senatdagi faoliyatini oxirida. & quot; Menda faqat o'zim va AQSh senatori sifatida ishim bor. & quot

Lekin u ham hazil tuyg'usiga ega edi. 1952 yilda, agar u bir kuni ertalab uyg'onib, o'zini Oq uyda ko'rsa, nima qilardingiz, deb so'ragan jurnalist, u shunday javob berdi: "Men to'g'ridan -to'g'ri Truman xonimga borib kechirim so'rayman. Keyin men uyga boraman

Garchi Smit xonim ko'pchilikka ayollar huquqlari himoyachisi bo'lib tuyulsa -da, u o'zini feminist deb hisoblamasligini aytdi. & quot; Senatda menga teng huquqlar tufayli emas, balki ish staji tufayli adolatli munosabatda bo'lishdi & quot; dedi u 1975 yilda bergan intervyusida.

U o'z ishiga bag'ishlangan holda, Senatning ketma-ket 2941 ta qo'ng'irog'iga javob berdi, bu ketma-ket 1968 yilda kestirib, operatsiya qilinganida buzilgan. Vaqt o'tishi bilan u Qurolli Kuchlar, Aeronavtika va kosmik fanlar qo'mitalarida respublikachilar reytingiga kirdi va xizmat qildi. shuningdek, mablag 'ajratish qo'mitasida.

Smit xonim respublikachilardan boshqa hech narsa emas edi. Partiya doimiylari uning ovozini hech qachon oddiy deb qabul qila olmasdilar. U xohlagancha ovoz berdi.

1950 va 27 -yillarda Smit xonim boshqa oltita respublikachi senatorlar bilan birgalikda vijdon deklaratsiyasini tuzish orqali Makkartini begonalashtirdi, unda u kommunizmni bostirishga urinish uchun McCarthy va sensacionist usullarini o'lchadi. "Men Respublikachilar partiyasining to'rtta yolg'onchi - qo'rquv, jaholat, aqidaparastlik va tuhmat ustidan siyosiy g'alabaga erishishini ko'rishni xohlamayman", dedi Smit xonim. Makkarti unga va boshqa oltita senatorga "Qor Oq va oltita mitti" deb murojaat qilib javob berdi.

Kuchli harbiylarning izchil himoyachisi Smit xonim, prezident Jon Kennedi yadroviy quroldan foydalanish irodasi yo'q deb o'ylagani uchun tanqid qilganida, Xrushchev o'zini tutib turishi aniq edi va bunday cheklov Amerika va Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi kurashni zaiflashtirdi degan xulosaga keldi. Janob Xrushchev Smit xonimning pozitsiyasi haqida eshitganida, u "vahshiylik yozuvlari" ni urdi deb o'ylaganini aytdi.

Ammo Smit xonim javob berdi: & quot; Janob. Xrushchev mendan g'azablanmagan. Men unchalik muhim emasman. U g'azablangan, chunki Amerika ma'murlari mening nutqimdan keyin yanada qattiqlashdi

O'ldirilishidan sal oldin, Prezident Kennedi Smit xonimga qarshi kampaniya o'tkazishni yoqtirmaydigan "siyosiy shaxs" deb atadi. U vafotidan keyin ertalab u Senat palatasiga yig'ilish oldidan kirib, Kennedi va eski stolga qizil atirgul qo'ydi.

Kongress a'zosi sifatida u prezident Franklin D. Ruzveltning "Yangi bitim" to'g'risidagi qonunini qo'llab -quvvatladi, bu uning konservativ hamkasblarini dahshatga soldi. Yillar davomida u respublikachilarni g'azablantirdi, 1948 yilda ta'limga federal yordam ko'rsatishni qo'llab -quvvatladi, 1959 yilda AQSh prezidenti Dvayt D. Eyzenxauer nomzodi Lyuis L. Straussga qarshi ovoz berdi va prezident Richard M. Niksonga qarshi chiqdi. omadsiz nomzodlar Oliy sudga, 1969 yilda Klement F. Xaynsvort va 1970 yilda G. Xarrold Karsvell.

U fuqarolik huquqlarining kuchli tarafdori edi va yana respublikachi hamkasblarini g'azablantirdi, qariyalar uchun hukumat tomonidan moliyalashtiriladigan tibbiy yordamning birinchi himoyachisi.

Margaret Madelin Cheys 1897 yil 14 -dekabrda Meyn markazidagi Kennebek daryosining Skowhegan shahrida tug'ilgan. Uning otasi Jorj Emeri Cheyz shahar sartaroshi, onasi esa sobiq Kerri Myurrey edi.

Oddiy oiladagi oltita bolaning to'ng'ichi sifatida, Margaret ishlashini kutgan va u maktab o'quvchisi bo'lganida ham, u band bo'lganida yoki do'kondan uzoqda bo'lganida, otasining mijozlarini sochini qirqishga qodir edi.

1916 yilda Skowhegan o'rta maktabini tugatgandan so'ng, u har doim kollejda o'qishni talab qilmaydigan ishlarda ishlagan: telefon operatori, haftalik gazetaning tiraji menejeri, maktab o'qituvchisi va nihoyat jun fabrikasi boshqaruvchisi.

1930 yilda, 32 yoshida, u o'zidan 22 yosh katta va mahalliy gazetaning ham egasi bo'lgan Klayd X.Smitga uylandi. Mahalliy respublikachilar doiralarida taniqli bo'lgan janob Smit o'z nomzodini qo'ydi va 1937 yilda Meyn ikkinchi Kongress okrugidan vakil etib saylandi.

1940 yilda yurak xurujidan keyin og'ir kasal bo'lgan janob Smit Meyn saylovchilaridan o'z siyosatini davom ettirishini so'radi va o'z rafiqasini uning o'rnini egallaydi. U vafotidan so'ng, u maxsus saylovda muddatini o'tash uchun saylandi va o'sha yili o'z huquqi bilan saylandi.

1948 yilda Smit xonim respublikachi senatorlar saylovida qatnashdi va uning uchta erkak raqibidan ko'ra ko'proq ovoz oldi. Umumiy saylovda u demokrat raqibi doktor Adrian Skoltenni osonlikcha mag'lub etdi.

U eri vafotidan keyin qiz ismini qaytarib olishni o'ylab, shunday dedi: & quot; Mening ismim Cheyz edi. Bu Yangi Angliyaning yaxshi nomi. Menga yoqdi. Lekin qonuniy ravishda men Smit edim

U tezda senator sifatida o'sdi va 1952 yilda va yana 1968 yilda vitse -prezidentlikka nomzod sifatida tilga olindi. 1964 yilda Smit xonim prezidentlikka o'z nomzodini e'lon qildi va o'sha yili Nyu -Xempshir shtatida bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda qatnashdi. U Barri Golduoterni qo'llab -quvvatlaydigan konservativ kuchlar nazoratidagi respublikachilar milliy konventsiyasida o'ndan ortiq ovoz to'pladi.

U 1972 yilgacha to'xtab bo'lmaydigan bo'lib tuyuldi, 48 yoshli demokrat va Kongressning sobiq a'zosi Uilyam D. Xeteuey senatning beshinchi muddatidagi kampaniyasida uni mag'lub etdi. U o'sha paytda 74 yoshda edi va tobora kuchsiz bo'lib tuyuldi, Kapitoliy yo'laklarini kichkina sariq aravaga minib, tayog'ini ko'tarib. Uning sog'lig'i zaif degan mish -mishlar tarqaldi, lekin u ko'p yillar davomida mustahkam bo'lib qoldi.

Keyingi yillarda u mustaqil edi, lekin charchab, jangarilardan ehtiyot bo'ldi.

1970 yilda, u McCarthy 'sning qo'rqitish taktikasini qoralaganidan 20 yil o'tib, u zo'ravonlikni qo'llab -quvvatlagan radikal chap tarafdagilar, yigirma yil avval radikal o'ngdan ko'rgan tahdidga teng ekanligini aytdi. "Bizda milliy kasallik bor edi, shundan keyin biz tuzalib ketdik", dedi u. & quot; Hozir bizda milliy kasallik bor, undan qutulishimizni so'rayman. & quot

Ammo, haqiqatan ham, u hukumatda, urushga qarshi namoyishchilarga haddan tashqari ta'sir ko'rsatganlarga hujum qildi.

Missis Smit eri vafotidan keyin boshqa turmushga chiqmadi. U Skowhegan shahridan bo'lgan Evelin Uilyams singlisi va bir nechta jiyan va jiyanlari bilan qoldi.


AQSh Uyi va Senatida xizmat qilgan birinchi ayol, Margaret Cheys Smit

Margaret Madelin Cheys Smit Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Vakillar palatasida ham, Senatda ham ishlagan birinchi ayol edi. U 1940-49 yillarda Meynning 2-tumanida xizmat qilgan, keyin 1949-1973 yillarda Meyn shtatidan senator bo'lgan. U hanuzgacha Respublikachilar partiyasidan eng uzoq vaqt ishlagan ayol senator. 2011 yilda senator Barbara Mikulski beshinchi muddatga qasamyod keltirgunga qadar, Smit eng uzun senator ayol bo'lgan.

1897 yil 14 -dekabrda Margaret Madelin Cheys Meynning Skowhegan shahrida sartarosh Jorj Emeri va Kerri Matilda Myurrey Cheyzning oilasida tug'ilgan. Margaret er -xotinning olti farzandidan eng kattasi edi. Jorj Cheyz 17 -asrda Angliyadan kelgan muhojirlardan kelib chiqqan. Kerri Cheysning oilasi frantsuz kanadalik edi va 19 -asrda Kvebekga ko'chib kelgan. U ofitsiant, poyabzal fabrikasida ishchi va do'kon sotuvchisi bo'lib ishlagan.

Yosh Margaret Cheyz Linkoln va Garfild boshlang'ich maktablarida o'qidi. U o'n besh yoshida mahalliy beshta tijorat do'konida ishlagan, hatto o'z hayotini sug'urtalash polisini sotib olgan. Otasi sartaroshxonasidan uzoqda bo'lganida, uning mijozlari bo'lardi. O'rta maktab uchun, Chez Skowhegan o'rta maktabida o'qidi, u erda basketbol bo'yicha qizlar jamoasida o'ynadi, keyin 1916 yilda tugatdi. O'rta maktabda u telefon kompaniyasida o'rinbosar bo'lib ishlagan, u ham u bilan uchrashgan. bo'lajak eri, Klayd Smit. Klayd Smit taniqli mahalliy siyosatchi edi va Margaretga soliq maslahatchisining yarim vaqtda yordamchisi sifatida ishga joylashishni buyurdi.

O'rta maktabdan so'ng, Cheys Skowhegan yaqinidagi Pitts maktabi deb nomlangan bir xonali maktabda dars berdi. Shu bilan birga, u 1917-18 yillardagi o'rta maktab qiz basketbol jamoasini ham boshqargan. Keyin u Meyn telefon va telegraf kompaniyasida bir yil biznes boshqaruvchisi bo'lib ishladi. Klayd Smit Skowheganda haftalik gazetaga ega edi Mustaqil muxbir. Cheyz gazeta xodimlariga qo'shildi va 1919-28 yillarda Smitning tiraj menejeri edi.

Cheyz 1922 yilda Skowhegan shahridagi Ishbilarmon va professional ayollar klubining bo'limini boshqa mahalliy ayollar tashkilotlari bilan aloqada bo'lganidan keyin asos solgan. U klub jurnali edi, Qarag'ay koni , muharrir. Ikki yil davomida, 1926 yildan 28 yilgacha u Meyn biznes va professional ayollar klublari federatsiyasi, shtat miqyosidagi tashkilot, prezident bo'lib ishlagan. 1928 yilda Cheyz Yangi Angliya chiqindilarini qayta ishlash kompaniyasi xazinachisi bo'ldi. Daniel E. Cummings Woolen Company nomli mahalliy to'qimachilik fabrikasi uni o'sha yili ishga joylashtirdi.

Margaret Cheyz 1930 yil 14 mayda Klayd Smitga uylandi. Klayd Smit Cheyzdan yigirma bir yosh katta edi. To'ydan ko'p o'tmay, u siyosat bilan shug'ullana boshladi, 1930 yilda Meyn respublika davlat qo'mitasiga saylandi va u erda 1936 yilgacha qoldi. Klayd 1936 yilda Meynning 2 -Kongress okrugidan AQSh Vakillar palatasiga saylandi. Uning kotibi bo'lib xizmat qilish. , Smit Vashingtondagi eriga qo'shildi, u yozishmalarini olib borish, tadqiqotlar o'tkazish va nutqlar yozish bilan bir qatorda uning ofisini boshqargan. Uning va boshqa kongressmenlar va Vazirlar Mahkamasining xotinlari Smit xazinachi bo'lib xizmat qilgan Kongress klubida edilar.

Klayd Smit 1940 yilning bahorida yurak xurujidan aziyat chekdi va qattiq kasal bo'lib qoldi. Shunday qilib, u rafiqasidan kelgusi saylovda sentyabr oyida uydagi deputatlikka nomzod bo'lishini so'radi. Ko'p o'tmay press -relizda u shunday dedi: “ Men o'z g'oyalarim va rejalarim haqida to'liq ma'lumotga ega bo'lgan yoki o'z mahallam uchun tugallanmagan ishni davom ettiradigan boshqa hech kimni bilmayman. ” 1940 yil 8 aprelda Klayd Smit vafot etdi va muddat tugashi uchun 3 iyun kuni maxsus saylov rejalashtirilgan edi.

Hech bir demokrat raqib unga qarshi kurashmadi va Smit maxsus saylovda g'alaba qozondi va shu tariqa u Meyndan Kongressga saylangan birinchi ayol bo'ldi. Uch oy o'tgach, u uyida ikki yil to'liq muddatga saylandi. Lyuiston shtatining demokrat-meri, Meyn, Edvard J. Beauchamp, o'zini Smit 65% -35% ovoz bilan mag'lub etdi. Keyingi uchta saylov va sakkiz yil davomida u qayta saylandi va hech qachon 60% dan kam ovoz olmadi.

Smit o'z lavozimida bo'lganida harbiy va milliy xavfsizlik masalalariga katta qiziqishni rivojlantira boshladi. U 1943 yilda uy -dengiz ishlari bo'yicha qo'mitaga tayinlangan va keyin ishlab chiqarishni yo'q qilish bo'yicha tergovga tayinlangan. 1944 yilning qishida Margaret Smit Tinch okeanining janubida, umumiy uzunligi 25000 mil bo'lgan bazalarni aylanib chiqdi. U Qo'shma Shtatlar dengiz zaxirasi yoki ixtiyoriy favqulodda xizmatga qabul qilingan ayollar deb nomlangan yangi tashkilot tuzish to'g'risida qonun qabul qilganda, u "To'lqinlarning onasi" deb nomlandi. U qurolli majburiy xizmatda bo'lgan ayollarning kuchli tarafdori edi va Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin ayollarga harbiy xizmatda doimiy maqom beradigan qonunlarni qo'llab -quvvatladi.

In 1945, she was a possible candidate for the Under Secretary of the Navy as a supporter of President Harry S. Truman’s foreign policies. Two years later, Chase was mentioned as a possible candidate for Assistant Secretary of State. Earlier in 1946, Smith had joined the House Armed Services Committee and as the chair of the Subcommittee on Hospitalization and Medicine. Smith sponsored and ensured that the Women’s Armed Services Integration Act was passed. President Truman later signed the bill, which regularized women’s status in the armed forces, in June of 1848.

Earning a reputation as moderate Republican who often broke her party’s ranks, Smith supported President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation and the Selective Service Act in 1940. On the other hand, she voted against the Smith-Connally act in 1943 and the making the House Un-American Activities Committee a permanent body in 1945.

Throughout her career in public office, Smith wore a red rose as a fixture of her daily attire. She even campaigned for the rose to become the United State’s official flower. Congress approved this years later in 1987.

In August of 1947, Smith announced she would ron for Wallace H. White Jr.’s Senate seat when e declared his retirement. She went up against Horace A. Hildreth, the incumbent Governor, Sumner Sewall, the former governor, and Reverend Albion Beverage in the Republican primaries. Her slogan was “Don’t change a record for a promise.” and her campaign did not have much money either. One of her opponent’s wives even asked her if a woman would be a good senator. In response, Smith said, “Women administer the home. They set the rules, enforce theme, mete out for justice violations. Thus, like Congress, they legislate like the Executive, they administer like the courts, they interpret the rules. It is an ideal experience for politics.” Margaret Smith won the primary election on June 21, 1948, receiving more votes than her three opponents combined. With a vote of 71% to 29%, Smith beat her Democratic opponent Adrian H. Scolten in the general election on September 13. Margaret Smith was the first woman to become a Senator from Maine along with the first woman in U.S. history to serve in both the House and Senate.

On January 3, 1949, Smith was sworn into the Senate. A year later, she was the first Congress member that condemned fellow Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin’s anti-Communist witch hunt, which captured the nation’s attention. While originally, Smith had been impressed with accusations of supposed Communists in the State Department by McCarthy, she found herself becoming disillusioned with him when he failed to provide any evidence to support the accusations. A fifteen minute speech was delivered on June 1, 1950 on the Senate floor that would become known as the “Declaration of Conscience”. Smith denounced McCarthy while refusing to directly say his name. McCarthyism, according to her, had “debased” the Senate. Smith continued to defend Americans’, “rights to criticize… right to hold unpopular beliefs… right to protest the right of independent thought.”

McCarthy referred to Smith and the six Senators that had signed her declaration, “Snow White and the Six Dwarves.” He then removed Smith from the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations and the seat was given to Californian Senator Richard Nixon (also the future president) instead. During Smith’s campaign for reelection in 1954, McCarthy also financed her unsuccessful opponent. “If I am to be remembered in history, it will not be because of legislative accomplishments, but for an act I took as a legislator in the U.S. Senate when on June 1, 1950, I spoke … in condemnation of McCarthyism, when the junior Senator from Wisconsin had the Senate paralyzed with fear that he would purge any Senator who disagreed with him,” she stated later on. In 1954, Smith was one of the voters for his censure.

For eight years, Smith served as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Air Force Reserve, having been commissioned to this position on July 17, 1950.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower mentioned Smith as a potential vice presidential candidate widely in the election of 1952.

Democrat Lucia Cormier ran against Smith in 1960. Once again, Smith’s reelection campaign was successful. For the first time in history, two women had run against each other for the Senate seat.

Smith announced she would be running for president on January 27, 1964. “I have few illusions and no money, but I’m staying with the finish. When people keep telling you, you can’t do a thing, you kind of like to try,” she stated. While she lost every primary election,she was able to win 25% of the vote in Illinois. Smith was the first woman to have her name placed in the a major political party’s convention’s nomination for presidency at the 1964 Republican National Convention in San Francisco. In the initial balloting, Smith placed fifth. She also denied Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona’s unanimous consent. Smith also refused to pull her name from the party’s final ballot. In the end, she did campaign for Goldwater in the general election and appeared in an ad for television where she defended Goldwater’s social security position.

While President John F. Kennedy was in office, she argued that the U.S. should use nuclear weapons against the Soviet Union, leading their leader Nikita Khrushchev to call her “the devil in disguise of a woman.” He also said that her position exceeded “all records of savagery.” In response, Smith said, “Mr. Khrushchev isn’t really mad at me. I am not that important. He is angry because American officials have grown more firm since my speech.”

The day after President Kennedy had been assassinated on November 22, 1963,Smith laid a rose on the desk he had occupied when he was a Senator.

The only woman as of yet to serve as chair of the Senate Republican Conference, was Smith. She served on this position from 1967 to 72. She voted against Supreme Court nominees Clement Haynsworth in 1969, and the following year, G. Harrold Carswell. Smith was a firm supporter of the space program, even serving as a Senate Aeronautical and Space Committee charter member. James E. Webb, the administrator for NASA, once made a comment that if it had not been for Smith, the U.S. never would have placed a man on the moon.Smith also supported civil rights along with medicare and an increase in educational funding. Up until 1981, she also held the Senate all-time voting record, with 9.941 consecutive roll call votes in all.

Bill Hathaway, a Democrat, defeated Smith in the 1972 election. This was the only election she ever lost, and it was her last. Smith had been haunted with rumours of poor health during the election. One of her main Republican challengers gave her taunts of being out of touch as she did not have a state office in Maine. With 47% of the vote, she lost the election by 27,230 votes in all.

Smith taught at many different colleges and universities after leaving the Senate. She was a visiting professor for the Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation. Moving back to Skowhegan, she began to oversee the construction of a library intended to hold her papers. President George H.W. Bush awarded her the Presidential Medal of Freedom on July 6, 1989.

Margaret Madeline Chase Smith died eight days after suffering through a stroke and falling into a coma on May 29, 1995 in Skowhegan. Smith was ninety-seven years old. After cremation, her ashes were placed in Skowhegan in the residential wing of the Margaret Chase Smith Library.


Margaret Chase Smith Responds to McCarthyism with 1950’s Declaration of Conscience

I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national condition. It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in national suicide and the end of everything that we Americans hold dear. It is a condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership in either the Legislative Branch or the Executive Branch of our Government.

That leadership is so lacking that serious and responsible proposals are being made that national advisory commissions be appointed to provide such critically needed leadership.

I speak as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism. I speak as briefly as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence. I speak simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.

I speak as a Republican. I speak as a woman. I speak as a United States Senator. I speak as an American.

The United States Senate has long enjoyed worldwide respect as the greatest deliberative body in the world. But recently that deliberative character has too often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity.

It is ironical that we Senators can in debate in the Senate directly or indirectly, by any form of words, impute to any American who is not a Senator any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming an American -- and without that non-Senator American having any legal redress against us -- yet if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on the grounds of being out of order.

It is strange that we can verbally attack anyone else without restraint and with full protection and yet we hold ourselves above the same type of criticism here on the Senate Floor. Surely the United States Senate is big enough to take self-criticism and self-appraisal. Surely we should be able to take the same kind of character attacks that we "dish out" to outsiders.

I think that it is high time for the United States Senate and its members to do some soul-searching -- for us to weigh our consciences -- on the manner in which we are performing our duty to the people of America -- on the manner in which we are using or abusing our individual powers and privileges.

I think that it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution. I think that it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution, as amended, speaks not only of the freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation.

Whether it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate, there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined.

Those of us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the basic principles of Americanism:

The right to criticize
The right to hold unpopular beliefs
The right to protest
The right of independent thought.

The exercise of these rights should not cost one single American citizen his reputation or his right to a livelihood nor should he be in danger of losing his reputation or livelihood merely because he happens to know someone who holds unpopular beliefs. Who of us doesn’t? Otherwise none of us could call our souls our own. Otherwise thought control would have set in.

The American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as "Communists" or "Fascists" by their opponents. Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America. It has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.

The American people are sick and tired of seeing innocent people smeared and guilty people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the Amerasia case, the Hiss case, the Coplon case, the Gold case, to cause the nationwide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be something to the unproved, sensational accusations.

As a Republican, I say to my colleagues on this side of the aisle that the Republican Party faces a challenge today that is not unlike the challenge that it faced back in Lincoln’s day. The Republican Party so successfully met that challenge that it emerged from the Civil War as the champion of a united nation -- in addition to being a Party that unrelentingly fought loose spending and loose programs.

Today our country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions that are bred in the United States Senate to spread like cancerous tentacles of "know nothing, suspect everything" attitudes. Today we have a Democratic Administration that has developed a mania for loose spending and loose programs. History is repeating itself -- and the Republican Party again has the opportunity to emerge as the champion of unity and prudence.

The record of the present Democratic Administration has provided us with sufficient campaign issues without the necessity of resorting to political smears. America is rapidly losing its position as leader of the world simply because the Democratic Administration has pitifully failed to provide effective leadership.

The Democratic Administration has completely confused the American people by its daily contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances -- that show the people that our Democratic Administration has no idea of where it is going.

The Democratic Administration has greatly lost the confidence of the American people by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia though key officials of the Democratic Administration. There are enough proved cases to make this point without diluting our criticism with unproved charges.

Surely these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of this country. Surely it is clear that this nation will continue to suffer as long as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic Administration.

Yet to displace it with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy that lacks political integrity or intellectual honesty would prove equally disastrous to this nation. The nation sorely needs a Republican victory. But I don’t want to see the Republican Party ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny -- Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry, and Smear.

I doubt if the Republican Party could -- simply because I don’t believe the American people will uphold any political party that puts political exploitation above national interest. Surely we Republicans aren’t that desperate for victory.

I don’t want to see the Republican Party win that way. While it might be a fleeting victory for the Republican Party, it would be a more lasting defeat for the American people. Surely it would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party and the two-party system that has protected our American liberties from the dictatorship of a one party system.

As members of the Minority Party, we do not have the primary authority to formulate the policy of our Government. But we do have the responsibility of rendering constructive criticism, of clarifying issues, of allaying fears by acting as responsible citizens.

As a woman, I wonder how the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters feel about the way in which members of their families have been politically mangled in the Senate debate -- and I use the word "debate" advisedly.

As a United States Senator, I am not proud of the way in which the Senate has been made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from this side of the aisle. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified countercharges that have been attempted in retaliation from the other side of the aisle.

I don’t like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish political gain at the sacrifice of individual reputations and national unity. I am not proud of the way we smear outsiders from the Floor of the Senate and hide behind the cloak of congressional immunity and still place ourselves beyond criticism on the Floor of the Senate.

As an American, I am shocked at the way Republicans and Democrats alike are playing directly into the Communist design of "confuse, divide, and conquer." As an American, I don’t want a Democratic Administration “whitewash” or "cover-up" any more than I want a Republican smear or witch hunt.

As an American, I condemn a Republican "Fascist" just as much I condemn a Democratic "Communist." I condemn a Democrat "Fascist" just as much as I condemn a Republican "Communist." They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an American, I want to see our nation recapture the strength and unity it once had when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves.


Margaret Chase Smith: Breaking the Barrier

Seventy years ago, Senator Margaret Chase Smith (R-ME) delivered her “Declaration of Conscience” speech, criticizing Senator Joseph McCarthy and his anti-communist campaign.

Her 15-minute speech on the Senate floor denounced the members who were turning the Senate into “a forum of hate and character assassination.” She called for a renewal of “the right to independent thought” and went on to say that “Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America . . . it has been so abused by some that it is not exercised by others.”

She implored her Republican colleagues not to ride to political victory on the “Four Horsemen of Calumny–Fear, Ignorance, Bigotry, and Smear,” and concluded with a five-point “Declaration of Conscience,” in which she was joined by six other senators.

Smith was the first woman to serve in both houses of Congress. One week after her husband, Representative from Maine Clyde Smith, died in 1940, Margaret Chase Smith was elected to fill his vacancy, thus beginning her fight to be more than just a placeholder. She successfully fought off four male rivals for the primary nomination to keep her seat and went on to serve four terms in the House of Representatives.

Smith moved to the Senate in 1949, making her the only woman in the Senate at the time. It wasn’t until a decade later than another woman was elected to the Senate to serve a full term.

Smith ran for President in 1964, stating she would not miss any time in the Senate, nor would she accept any donations. Her campaign was staffed by volunteers, and she did not run any television or radio ads.

Her run for the Presidency was more symbolic than tactical. However, Smith went on to win nearly 30 percent of the vote in Illinois, a state she actively campaigned in, and votes in Massachusetts, Oregon, and Texas, where she had no campaign appearances.

In July at the Republican national convention, Smith became the first woman to have her name placed onto a nomination of a major party. She received the votes of 26 delegates. In running for President, Smith asserted she wanted the role to break the barrier against women being taken as serious candidates for the Presidency.

Barry Goldwater won the Republican nomination in 1964, then lost the Presidency to Democratic candidate Lyndon B. Johnson. Smith continued to serve in the Senate until she lost the 1972 election. In total, she had served over 32 years in Congress.

Learn more about woman activists on the National Archives website.


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From Library Journal

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"I viewed her as someone with influence. She didn't speak all that much but when she did, people listened. She worked hard at the job and did her committee work. When you do your committee work, you have influence."-Senator Bob Dole

"Margaret clearly drove home the point that she made up her own mind, that she was independently minded, and nobody was her boss. She was a very important influence, and she used that influence effectively. She was well-respected in the Senate, no question about it."-Edmund Muskie

"Margaret was a very tough, knowledgeable woman. In fact, she was a better senator than most of the men in the place. She was one hell of a lady."-Barry Goldwater

"Margaret Chase Smith made a fine contribution to our country and the Armed Services Committee by standing for a stronger defense. She had the vision and the courage to do that."-Senator Strom Thurmond

"She was a role model for me, and she left the door open wider for other women to be in the Senate."-Liz Carpenter author and feminist, press secretary for Lady Bird Johnson

"When Margaret put her foot down on the facts, I knew that's what the facts were. She didn't ask for any considerations that she was not entitled to, and she didn't ask for privileges as a lady. She carried her part of the load."-John Stennis

?Basing this biography on numerous interviews with Smith, with her former colleagues, and on research of Smith's official and personal papers, Wallace reveals a fuller picture. Well written and insightful, Wallace's book will be the standard biography of a woman significant to women's history as well as U.S. political history.?-Library Journal

?Wallace conducted many interviews with Smith, but her account is objective.?-Publishers Weekly

?Wallace has done sound research and has an admirably skeptical approach to evidence.?-Kirkus Reviews

"Wallace conducted many interviews with Smith, but her account is objective."-Publishers Weekly

"Wallace has done sound research and has an admirably skeptical approach to evidence."-Kirkus Reviews

"Basing this biography on numerous interviews with Smith, with her former colleagues, and on research of Smith's official and personal papers, Wallace reveals a fuller picture. Well written and insightful, Wallace's book will be the standard biography of a woman significant to women's history as well as U.S. political history."-Library Journal

From the Back Cover

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PATRICIA WARD WALLACE is a Professor of United States History at Baylor University. Politics of Conscience is her seventh book. Her other works include The Threat of Peace: James F. Byrnes and the Council of Foreign Ministers.


Women in Politics: A Very Short History

Wisconsin’s Marital Property Reform Act was the first in the nation — thanks to Mary Lou Munts, the political powerhouse who made it happen.

Excerpt from “ Step by Step: Building a Feminist Movement 1941-1977 ,” a film by Joyce Follet. (Running time 6:18) Used with permission. The complete film is available from Women Make Movies.

Women have long been involved in politics and public life, even before the Nineteenth Amendment gave them the vote in 1920, but women’s political activism took a giant leap forward starting in the 1960s. To be sure, we haven’t yet had a woman president, but at all other levels of American political life, women have crafted a strong and vibrant history. Some are public leaders and elected officials others supply critical power behind the scenes.

For a long time, politics was defined very traditionally as voting, participating in organized political parties, and seeking elective office. In a key insight that spawned the field of women’s political history, feminist scholars realized that women had in fact played myriad roles in politics and public life over the entire course of American history, profoundly influencing social movements, civic life, and the provision of charity and social welfare, among other outcomes. How did they do this even before they got the vote? By forming voluntary organizations, lobbying, organizing petition drives, raising money, and participating in a range of activities that placed them in the thick of public life.

Women also have a strong history in partisan politics, one that — surprisingly, to some — predates the winning of suffrage in 1920. In 1870, women in Wyoming and Utah territories were the first to cast ballots in general elections. In other states, women won the right to vote in municipal elections or for school boards. Women also formed auxiliaries to the major political parties and joined third parties such as the Populist, Socialist, and Progressive parties.

The drive for woman suffrage, first enunciated at Seneca Falls in 1848, spanned seventy-two years and drew on three generations of female political activism. Especially in its final stages, it offered a single issue around which a broad constituency of women could coalesce. Conversely, when suffrage was won, that unity of purpose disappeared, and women scattered their political energy into a wide range of causes, not all specifically related to the advancement of women’s status.

What words drove Erma Henderson to become the most powerful woman of her time in Michigan politics?

Excerpt from “ Passing the Torch ,” a film by Carol King. (Running time 3:36) Used with permission. The complete film is available from King Rose Archives. For more information, visit Veteran Feminists of America.

There was no question that women were in politics to stay. Throughout the twentieth century, women did the grunt work of most political campaigns — ringing the doorbells, licking the envelopes, watching the polls — while men ran for office and headed the national party structures. Even though their contributions were undervalued many women were thrilled at the chance to take part in the political process. This growing sense of participatory inclusion was an important precondition for the breakthroughs of the last fifty years.

What year was Margaret Chase Smith nominated by a national party as the first woman in the United States to run for the presidency?

Excerpt from “ The Life of Senator Margaret Chase Smith .” (Running time 5:52) Used with permission. The complete film is available from the Margaret Chase Smith Foundation.

While the majority of political candidates were men (and that is still true today), intrepid women did seek and win political office. One of the earliest ways for a woman to enter political life was through widow’s succession, an appointment to fill the term of her deceased husband. Some women merely served out a term, but others, such as Hattie Caraway of Arkansas and Margaret Chase Smith of Maine, used widow’s succession as a stepping-stone to launch political careers of their own. Smith, who for many years was the only woman in the U.S. Senate, even mounted a serious if ultimately symbolic run for the presidency as a Republican in 1964. Two U.S. Representatives, Shirley Chisholm of New York and Patsy Mink of Hawaii, followed Smith’s footsteps by entering the Democratic primaries in 1972. Mink was the first Asian American to run for president and Chisholm broke new ground as a female African American candidate.

Spurred in part by the revival of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s, more women sought — and won — elective office, although the numbers were still fairly small, especially on the national level. The National Women’s Political Caucus, founded in 1971, dedicated itself to increasing women’s participation at all levels of the political system. Women activists tried to influence party politics by working within the Democratic and Republican hierarchies, but found the major parties not always welcoming either to women activists or to the issues they brought to the table. Winning platform support for the Equal Rights Amendment and reproductive rights proved especially fractious, and Republican women who identified as feminists faced a challenging environment as the party shifted to the right from the 1970s onward. With a focus on electing women to Congress, Democratic women founded EMILY’s List (Early Money Is Like Yeast) in 1985 to promote pro-choice candidates, and in 1993 Republican women followed with the Susan B. Anthony List to support pro-life candidates. Another route to political power was through appointed office, with women serving in the Cabinet and diplomatic corps as early as the 1930s. Still, the Supreme Court remained all-male until the appointment of Sandra Day O’Connor in 1981.

How is former Vermont Governor Madeleine Kunin continuing to help women enter politics?

Excerpt from “ Madeleine May Kunin: Political Pioneer ,” a film by Catherine E. C. Hughes. (Running time 4:15) Used with permission. The complete film is available from Vermont PBS.

Women politicians in the 1960s and 1970s served as important ambassadors for the expanding roles for women in American society, whether they were specifically feminist or not. Representatives like Bella Abzug (New York), Millicent Fenwick (New Jersey), Shirley Chisholm (New York), Patricia Schroeder (Colorado), and Patsy Mink (Hawaii) worked effectively to increase women’s visibility in politics women governors such as Connecticut’s Ella Grasso and Vermont’s Madeleine Kunin demonstrated prowess on the state level.

An especially important milestone was Geraldine Ferraro’s selection as Walter Mondale’s running mate in the 1984 presidential campaign. She was the first woman nominated by a major party to its national ticket. The daughter of Italian immigrants who represented a heavily ethnic, working-class district in Queens, Ferraro energized many female voters her presence on the Democratic ticket was widely interpreted as heralding a new era for women in national politics.

One factor behind Ferraro’s precedent-breaking selection was increased attention to women’s political clout at the polls, as represented by the newly christened gender gap, that is, the difference in men’s and women’s voting patterns. After decades of lagging behind, by 1980 women voted in the same proportion as men, which meant there were more female voters to court than ever before. Women also voted differently, especially on issues involving the use of force (such as war or foreign interventions) and social justice, a combination that tended to favor the Democrats. But on the other side of the gender gap, white men increasingly voted Republican. In a landslide election such as that of 1984, in which Ronald Reagan won 59 percent of the popular vote (including a majority of women’s votes), the gender gap was too small to function as an independent factor. Politicians have since learned that ignoring women’s votes is at their peril.

A new issue — sexual harassment — entered the political arena in 1991 and 1992. During the Senate confirmation hearings on the nomination of Clarence Thomas, a conservative black jurist, to the Supreme Court, Oklahoma law professor Anita Hill accused Thomas of having sexually harassed her when she worked at the Department of Education and the Equal Opportunity Employment Commission in the 1980s. Thomas vehemently denied the accusations, and the country split, not always strictly along race and gender lines, about who to believe. In the end, Thomas narrowly won confirmation and Hill became a feminist icon for her courage and grace under pressure.

Besides sparking a national debate on sexual harassment, the hearings fostered a widespread sense that Congress needed more women in seats of power. Angered at the treatment Hill received on Capitol Hill and in the national media, a record number of women ran for public office in 1992, with definite results: Women saw dramatic gains in both houses of Congress, as well as in state and local elections across the country. The “Year of the Woman” led to the “Decade of Women,” and twenty years later, many of those women had accumulated the necessary seniority to be major players in politics. Nancy Pelosi’s ascension to Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2007 made her the highest-ranking female politician in American history.

The 1992 election also introduced voters to a woman who would become one of the most respected but also one of the most deeply polarizing figures in recent American life: Hillary Rodham Clinton, the wife of presidential candidate Bill Clinton. Clearly not your traditional First Lady, Hillary Clinton took a leading role in her husband’s failed healthcare initiative and then stood by her man when the president was threatened with impeachment in 1998 for lying about his involvement with a young intern. Hillary Clinton weathered that storm, and, when her husband left office, she served in the U.S. Senator from New York and set her sights on the presidency of the United States.

n 2008, the Republican presidential candidate John McCain chose the Alaska governor Sarah Palin as his running mate. Palin’s charismatic public persona and conservative fiscal and social values resonated with Alaskan voters but she, like so many women candidates, had a hard time convincing the public that she had a legitimate claim to political authority. Hillary Rodham Clinton faced the same challenge in the Democratic primary. Many feminist rallied around her candidacy but many others were drawn to Barack Obama’s vision of hope and change for America. Gender and race played out in contentious — and not always predictable — ways in this race. After Obama won the Democratic primary and went on to win the presidency, he selected Hillary Rodham Clinton as his Secretary of State.

Eight years later, as Obama prepared to leave office, Hillary Rodham Clinton once again mounted a serious challenge for the presidency and won her bid to be the Democratic party’s candidate. However, 2016 would not be the year when the United States joined other countries from around the world in electing a female leader. Clinton won the popular vote but Republican candidate Donald Trump won in the Electoral College. In response to the election results, on the day after Trump’s inauguration, there was a Women’s March in Washington, about 400 sister marches in localities around the U.S., and marches in 80 other countries. These marches on January 21, 2017 constitute the largest one-day mass protest in the United States estimates range from 2.5 to 5 million marchers.

In November 2020, as the country celebrated the 100th Anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment and the 55th Anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, the Republican incumbent President Donald Trump was beaten at the polls and in the Electoral College by Democrat Joseph Biden and his running mate Senator Kamala Harris, the former Attorney General of California. Kamala Devi Harris, born in Oakland to a mother from India and a father from Jamaica, was the second African-American woman and first South Asian-American to serve in the U.S. Senate and is the first woman to be Vice President of the United States. In her victory speech, Harris stated: “While I may be the first woman in this office, I will not be the last, because every little girl watching tonight sees that this is a country of possibilities.”

Kamala Harris’s candidacy and her achievement demonstrate that, while the political climate has changed for the better for many women over the last fifty years, women in politics continue to be subjected to stereotypes and discrimination that obstruct gender equality. The challenge ahead is to harness and direct the energy seen in recent elections towards feminism’s goals of inclusion and social justice. Like so much else, women’s roles in public life are an unfinished revolution.


Videoni tomosha qiling: Margaret


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